The negative health impacts of incarceration on Latina mothers and their families are profound and long-lasting, even beyond a release from prison. Destiny and Diana were incarcerated during their transition from adolescence into adulthood and motherhood, so they had to learn about their bodies and reproductive health, as well as their physical and mental wellbeing in the dehumanizing setting of prison. Francesca Mathews documents the journey of two Latina mothers impacted by incarceration, and dives into the health implications of the medical neglect, and the psychological and emotional trauma many women experience behind bars. She also speaks with medical experts, community organizations and counselors on the outside who are working to improve the wellbeing of women as they transition into the community and rebuild their lives.
100 Latina Birthdays is an original production of LWC Studios. It's made possible by grants from Healthy Communities Foundation, Kellogg Foundation, Woods Fund Chicago, the Field Foundation of Illinois, Pritzker Foundation, and the Chicago Foundation for Women. Mujeres Latinas en Acción is a series fiscal sponsor.
Virginia Lora: This is part one of a special two-part episode of 100 Latino birthdays. Be sure you listen to part two.
Diana: So at 15 I found some friends that they got me involved in the street life in Little Village. I think in the 80s, 90’s, Little Village Street gang was booming.
Mathewes: That's Diana, a case manager at a community health organization based in Little Village, a Latino neighborhood on Chicago’s southwest side. She works with young people in the neighborhood who were experiencing many of the challenges she faced growing up there.
Born in Cali, Colombia, Diana came to the US when she was five years old and grew up in Little Village with her mother.
Diana: We used to have a lot of family parties, like birthday parties for my sister, me. It was more…when you thought of Little Village would be like family, and that's what we did in my home growing up. I had a good, good upbringing with my mother and as a teenager, all teenagers, they tried to find themselves to fit in and how to fit in and how to be accepted, so that's how it was growing up as a teenager.
Mathewes: But everything changed when she was 15,
Diana: I got arrested for a crime, a murder, right. And I was young. I was hanging around with the wrong crowd and next thing you know they told on me saying that I did something I didn't do. And I was so young, I didn't know nothing. I didn't know no better.
Mathewes: Diana was tried as an adult and sentenced to 35 years in prison. She served 17.
Diana: Well, the first years it wasn’t registered to me that I wasn't going home for a while. I thought that, ‘Oh, well my mom can come and pick me up and sign me off like the other times she has done.’ So for a while, it didn't register, maybe four or five years. I was just like, whatever, you know? And then it registered to me like, hey, you have to do your time. You cannot let the time do you.
Mathewes: Diana was in prison from 16 to 32—formative years that define a person's transition from adolescence into adulthood. She says growing up in an environment where she was always on guard and emotionally distressed, took its toll.
Diana: Mentally, being in prison, don't let you grow. I have seen it now little by little, I've seen it in myself. The mentality is more of 23, 25, 26.
Mathewes: Being away from peer spaces that define young adulthood like high school and college is a big part of that too. Diana says being away from friends, family, and her community began to corrode her sense of joy and connection.
Diana: That's one of the traumas that I feel like I have to work through because behind that, you feel the rejection and you feel unwanted because you've been displaced, that you can’t celebrate you or celebrate family and community. So you detach yourself from human connection.
And that's what prison does. A lot of times they disconnect from human connection. Now you go out, you enjoy yourself, but in there it is more like—there was, I think, you know what, there was one birthday that my girls in there put together and I was like, ‘Whoa,’ because the staff was involved in it. So it was a nice, big gesture and big deal, you know?
Mathewes: At that point in time, her friends were women that she had spent several years with and with whom she had built a sense of comradery, friendship and community. Her 21st was the most memorable, complete with the little taste of what an average 21-year-old might legally try for the first time on the outside.
Diana: But of course we had a little, the contraband, we call it contraband. So we did have a little contraband in there, but when I was 21, I did.
Yeah, right. Loke we were in a club and stuff.
Mathewes: Many of the things she experienced in prison, she only now has the words to describe.
Diana: I had PTSD trauma, bad, when I first got out. And then in there, I was constantly in fight mode. I had to be in fight mode at all times. I guess you choose how to get out.
Mathewes: This was a big part of Diana's personal philosophy about being incarcerated—making the conscious commitment to her own mental and emotional health so that by the time she was released, she could jump into the life she wanted to live.
Diana: If you want to get out bitter or you just want to get out and shine. It's whatever…I think now that I see it, so.
Mathewes: One of the most traumatizing experiences for Diana was the time she spent in “seg” or solitary confinement. When I spoke with Diana about this experience, we sat in her office at the nonprofit where she works. The room, for reference, was small, big enough for two desks and some other small office furniture.
What was that like?
Diana: A room smaller than this. That’s it. With nothing but a bed. And they bring your food.
Mathewes: How many times or how long did you spend inside total?
Diana: The longest one, at least, seven months.
Mathewes: That is more than half a year, all by herself, one hour a day of time outside the cell. It's something few of us can even begin to imagine. Women can be placed in seg for a range of reasons. In one study of state prisons, the Vera Institute of Justice found that three to 12% of women inmates were in seg at the time of the study.
The same study found that compared to men, women were less likely to be placed in seg for long periods or for violent behaviors. Shorter, more frequent periods of time and for lower level offenses were more common.
Specifically, women were often placed in seg for offenses like insubordination, substance abuse, displays of affection or sexually stimulating activity. This might include things that women do to comfort each other, such as hugging or holding hands. Diana has almost entirely blocked out her time in seg.
Diana: You will have to learn how to be with your thoughts.
Mathewes: Yeah. What is that like?
Diana: I don't know. I don't remember that much over that time. Certain things are just like forgettable. Certain things, you just block it.
Mathewes: That is a common response to experiencing trauma. The word trauma as we use it here, can refer to a single event or numerous traumatizing events. According to the Cleveland Clinic and other leading research on trauma, chronic trauma refers to the day-in, day-out impact of living in threatening environments such as long-term child abuse or domestic violence. In Diana's case, that was her life in prison.
The Cleveland Clinic also uses the term complex post-traumatic stress disorder or C-PTSD to describe trauma of this nature. Prolonged exposure to highly stressful situations and environments. C-PTSD in complex trauma are often used to describe the experience of people who have undergone continuous abuse as adults or as children. Repetitive community violence or war. There's a chronic compounding element.
Elizabeth Cruz: One time in prison is too many. So then what happens is even a person like me, like many women, who have experienced several layers of trauma, so then incarceration is also traumatic.
Mathewes: That's Elizabeth Cruz. She's a senior advisor at the Women's Justice Institute in Chicago, an organization that helps improve the lives of women and girls impacted by incarceration. Elizabeth who has clinical and counseling experience with incarcerated women, and her herself spent five years in prison, describes the lasting impact of incarceration on someone's mental and emotional state. Even after release.
Cruz: When you get out of prison, you're traumatized because mentally and physically you're used to being incarcerated. So now that's a whole nother world and a whole other layer of undoing what the system has done. Now, do I take accountability for the part that I played? Definitely so, however, there was no one there to guide and direct me or support me, and so I did what I knew and even when I asked for help, no one heard me.
Mathewes: Studies show that the prevalence of PTSD among women in prison is higher than among men. The Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority found that 61% of women in Illinois prisons met the criteria for PTSD and a large portion of women entering the prison system—as much as 90%—have experienced sexual assault or other physical trauma prior to their arrest. That's according to the US Commission on Civil Rights. Speaking from both personal and professional experience, Elizabeth says a big part of the traumatic nature of prison, especially for women, is how dehumanizing it can be.
Cruz: And so if a person has never had their dignity stripped from them, you feel just almost identical to being abused as a child. You just feel so shameful, worthless. You feel like your privacy doesn't matter.
Mathewes: She felt that from the first moment she entered prison
Cruz: Back when I got incarcerated, you would, all these women would be thrown under a shower at the same time with no clothes on and they're on their periods and at that moment and I was like, this can't be the rest of my life. That was a pivotal moment where, as embarrassing as it was for them, it was just as messed up for me.
Mathewes: And even when counseling services or therapy may be available, Elizabeth says it is difficult to address deep psychological and emotional trauma while being held in the very environment exacerbating those wounds.
Cruz: You can't really heal from things if you're continuing to experience those things, and so clinically and professionally, what I see is a cycle. A lot of times you'll see women get out of prison and they kind of pick up where they left off. I always say it's like being on pause, like when you pause a movie and you go right back to where it ended.
Mathewes: And that's assuming that counseling is available.
Dr. Zielinski: Prisons will often, pretty much always, will have what they say is a mental health service, but if you really dig into it and if you have a mental health provider's take on it, most of it is crisis care, so managing imminent suicidality for example, and not providing medication management for serious mental illness.
Mathewes: That's Dr. Melissa Zielinski, an associate professor and clinical psychologist in the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. She researches the intersections between trauma, mental illness, addiction and the legal system and works directly with system-impacted women.
Dr. Zielinski: I focus on trauma and PTSD broadly. Talk therapy is the gold standard for PTSD and there are very few prisons that offer that. And so that need just goes unmet in the vast, vast majority of places because there isn't any talk therapy being offered, even though that is the first line treatment in the community and healthcare and prison is supposed to be held to that community standard and having to meet that community standard.
Mathewes: Being in an environment without access to proper care can mean years of untreated mental illness.
Dr. Zielinski: I mean, mental and physical health are certainly extremely intertwined and I think what we know from the data is if you come into prison with something like let's say PTSD as a result of trauma, unless you get treatment which is by and large, completely unavailable in prisons for PTSD, you're going to come out of prison with PTSD, right? It's not going to get better.
Mathewes: The negative impacts of PTSD on a woman's overall well-being and the challenges that they face in recovering from PTSD can be difficult to manage in an environment where abuse and assault are frequent.
Cruz: That you feel even worse about yourself while you're incarcerated. And even if you do obtain some level of treatment or therapy in prison or in jail, you're still in a traumatic environment, so how much is it really helping you? Right? You can't really heal from things if you're continuing to experience those things.
Mathewes: The Bureau of Justice Statistics found that out of about 1,700 sexual victimization cases that were substantiated in 2018, 58% were by other inmates, another 42% by staff. Sexual assault cases are difficult to investigate and incidents are widely under-reported.
Within a prison context, this likely helps explain why the number of substantiated cases does not necessarily reflect the number of actual assaults. In their coverage of a special 2023 report released by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, USA Today found that only about a quarter of incidents were reported. These statistics reflect the strong likelihood of victimization and trauma in prison and the potential for harm women face even from people responsible for their care.
According to a survey by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, over 50% of women who serve time for a violent offense re-offended within five years of their release. Elizabeth ties this back to a feeling that Diana first noted regarding her time in prison—a sense of being emotionally stunted and struggling to grow and mature as a person.
Cruz: You can't grow like you would naturally in the community, so then you kind of pick up where you left off, which means if you were in domestic violence situations or if you were in survival mode and you were stealing and hustling, a lot of times that's stuff you just pick back up naturally because it's what you were exposed to for so long and it could be what's comfortable.
Mathewes: Melissa also noted the very real ways that untreated PTSD and trauma can create challenges for women transitioning back into the community and put them at risk of recidivism.
Dr. Zielinski: It's going to be weighing on women throughout the reentry process, making it harder for them to do the things that they want to and need to do to live their lives, and so trauma does come with physical symptoms, but also the social isolation.
Mathewes: A few things kept Diana from becoming part of that 50% who do find themselves reincarcerated.
Diana: My daughter, I think my daughter and the things that I was working for, the things that I was gaining for being good. I was gaining more strength, more confidence, clarity, and a little bit more of clarity. Clarity of the big picture even though I knew that big picture, but clarity,
Mathewes: Diana and Elizabeth are not alone in these feelings and experiences. Destiny Villareal is 40 and lives in San Antonio, Texas. She's a mother and a proud grandmother of five, with a six on the way. She speaks with confidence and warmth. I could hear the sounds of her family chatting on her porch in the Texas heat as she settled into our first chat over FaceTime.
At 16, she was incarcerated for murdering a man who she says was sexually abusing her and served 25 years.
Destiny Villareal: I can literally say that I grew up in the prison system. I literally did, most people grow up with their family. All I knew was a prison system and that's pretty, pretty harsh.
Mathewes: 58% of women in prisons are mothers, as are 80% of women in local jails. That's according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics and the Prison Policy Initiative. Many of the women in jail awaiting trial simply cannot afford bail. Destiny's son was 18 months old when she was first incarcerated in 26 when she was released. He was raised by his father and his stepmother.
Villareal: I went in there and one of the hardest things for me was being away from my child. And if your family doesn't do anything to help you be involved in your child's life, the prison system is not going to help you. They did not, at that time when I first went in the system, they didn't offer programs for young mothers. They did not try to help you be a part of your child's life or any of that. If you don't get a visit from your family, they're not going to try to help you be a part of your child's life.
Mathewes: The impacts of being incarcerated on mothers and their families are profound. The Marshall Project reports that children of incarcerated women are five times more likely to be placed in foster care than children of incarcerated men. This particularly impacts younger children.
One study found that more than a quarter of all children with a mother in prison are under five. As a result, there can be lapses in healthcare for these kids. They can miss regular checkups, dental visits and vaccines, all of which significantly impact children's health outcomes, according to Indiana University's Public Policy Institute, that same study found that children with incarcerated mothers are also more likely to experience depression, anxiety, cognitive delays in school failure.
Villareal: It was very difficult for me knowing that my child was out there and I was in there and I couldn't protect him. I couldn't talk to him, I couldn't see him, and there was no way other than to depend on somebody out there to let me know what was going on, so it was kind of heartbreaking.
Mathewes: This sense of heartbreak, Destiny says, contributes to daily emotional distress.
Villareal: The reason why a lot of young women there react so negatively and violently in there because they have no incentive, no motivation. And I kind of was like that, I was like that. If I couldn't see my son then nothing really mattered, nothing really mattered.
Mathewes: While some prisons do have parenting programs, custody requirements and limited space can complicate access to children.
Villareal: I know they say that a prison is there, it's like for rehabilitation but they didn't offer that. They didn't offer restorative family things and those types of programs until just recently, they just started making them. And even then, you still have to qualify, so it's just a very select few, but there's so many people in there that have children, yet they're not a part of their life because either the outside does not help or the prison system is not helping.
Mathewes: Destiny also points out that many women often have more than their biological children depending on them
Villareal: Family—it shouldn't just be if you have children, either. Because everybody's raising children. You have nieces and you have nephews, you have sisters, you have brothers. Parenting is like in general, we're all raising children.
Mathewes: Most incarcerated women are of childbearing age and around 4% enter prison pregnant. Many prisons do not have policies that support breastfeeding and only 30 states were given passing grades in an evaluation by the National Women's Law Center.
The other 20, the NWLC found, were failing to provide adequate prenatal care policies, nutrition counseling, treatment for women with high-risk pregnancies and HIV screenings.
Dr. Zielinski: It intersects with sort of this history of women's incarceration in the US. For me and for many of us, I think when we think about these prisons, not that they were built to promote health for anyone, but within that, they certainly weren't built to promote health for women, and so the literal structure doesn't take into account in a lot of cases, women's needs, and so pregnancy and postpartum care is one example where you can really clearly see that women's health needs have not been thought about.
Mathewes: One major controversy surrounding pregnancy in prisons is the practice of shackling during birth. Shackling is the use of physical restraints such as handcuffs, leg shackles, or belly chains to restrict the movement of a pregnant inmate, particularly when they have to be taken to a hospital or offsite for childbirth.
While shackling pregnant inmates is considered both medically dangerous and a human rights offense by international medical authorities including the United Nations, the practice is common throughout the United States.
Texas, Destiny's home state, outlawed the shackling of women during labor in childbirth in 2009, thanks in part to the Texas Jail Project. In season two of our sister podcast, 70 Million, a two-part episode covered the story of Shandra Williams, a Texas woman who has experienced help launch this reform movement after she went into labor behind bars and delivered on the way to the hospital because jail staff ignored her cries for help.
Shandra Williams: “Yeah, it’s back control.” He was already irritated. I said, I am in labor. “Ma'am, whenever we get a chance, we're going to send somebody down there.” So I crawled back.
Mathewes: According to a study published by the National Library of Medicine, even in states like Texas with antis shackling laws, there are loopholes that give prison guards or other staff the authority to use restraints if they decide a woman poses a threat to herself or others.
That study looked at 22 prisons in six jails across the country. 13 of those facilities reported using shackles while transporting pregnant women to and from routine medical visits.
Jorge Renaud is the Southwest Regional Director of Policy and Advocacy for Latino JusticePRDLEF. He conducts research that looks into how to decrease incarceration in the US, and was incarcerated himself for 27 years.
Jorge Renaud: They have fought for years in the States against the practice of women being shackled while they're giving birth.
Mathewes: Jorge helps fight for policies that protect people's rights in prison. He says, even when advocates have been able to expand and protect those rights, lawmakers rarely act out of genuine concern for women's health and safety. In 2019, Texas passed another law that banned the use of shackles during pregnancy, not just during labor.
Renaud: They won that fight recently with the right by appealing to the health of the unborn child.
Mathewes: Things do not get easier after childbirth either.
Dr Zielinski: In most states, women who give birth in custody are going to be separated from that infant within 24 to 48 hours of childbirth. They will give birth without any support person in the room and with correctional personnel in the room watching them as they give birth. They may or may not be allowed to hold their newborn, breastfeed, do all of those things which have just critical health implications for both that woman and that infant.
Mathewes: Custody is another question. In many cases, like in Destiny's, custody of the child will go to the other biological parent or another family member, but it's ultimately up to those caretakers to bring the child in for visitations or help them remain in contact with their incarcerated mother. And if there isn't a family member willing to step in, Child Protective Services takes custody of the child. This opens up another realm of legal implications, all of which tend to vary by state. A study in the National Library of Medicine also found that prisons and jails had few policies for visitation with newborn infants outside of regular visiting hours—which can already be stringent. One prison and two jails in the study did not allow any contact with infants after birth.
Beyond prenatal care, the lack of access to routine medical care or even things like a balanced diet, can have negative effects on the overall health, well-being and lifetime outcomes of Latinas in prison.
Villareal: I realized that in there a lot of people, including myself, had high cholesterol problems, diabetes, and they don't address it rather than just say, ‘Okay, take this medication,’ but they don't figure out other solutions, like holistic solutions, to help you take care of yourself because the diet there is not good. So that's something that I've actually experienced with high cholesterol and thyroid problems, and that's something that's very, very common there. It's very common.
Mathewes: Chronic illnesses like diabetes, high blood pressure, hepatitis C, and others, are more prevalent across all incarcerated populations compared to those on the outside. For Latinas like Diana and Destiny, this is exacerbated by the fact that many of these conditions are already more common amongst Hispanic people than non-Hispanic whites in the US, according to Prison Policy and Northwestern University.
Accounts by women published in a 2022 study in the Health and Justice Journal revealed that the most common complaints were poor or unempathetic treatment and a lack of appropriate care for chronic diseases and gender-specific needs.
Villareal: I still wasn't aware of myself as my body, having to learn me, to look for certain things growing up, as far as being able to do breast exams, you're not really taught that. So you have to learn that as you go.
Mathewes: Often the first people women go to with questions about their health are other women, but it's not that simple in prison. Both Diana and Destiny attest to the general keep your head down attitude that exists in prisons—something that's needed for survival but can create a culture of shame around asking for advice or help.
Villareal: Because in there you can't just ask people these questions, so having to grow up in there and slowly realize it or read it on your own or ask questions to people that are a lot more mature, you can't do that in there without feeling like shame or disgust or embarrassment and things like that, because it's not open to talk about things like that in a prison setting,
Mathewes: These questions often surround gynecological health. This makes sense given the number of women who are incarcerated when they are of reproductive age. That's when education about changes to a woman's body is vital.
Villareal: Even though I had a child already and young, but even then, there's things that I didn't know about my body physically or health-wise that what a woman should be going through. I know that, not me, but another few girls in general because they were 21 and under had things going on like discharges and stuff like that. They weren't comfortable enough to ask anybody. It just happened to be that I was a little bit more relatable on their age level that they could talk to me about it.
Mathewes: Diana and Destiny both say their diet had a huge impact on their well-being while incarcerated.
Diana: When you see pictures and we in there, you could tell what kind of nutrition we are lacking, regardless if you're eating good or if you try to eat right or go to chow hall and eat your chow, you could tell right away.
Mathewes: One survey of formerly incarcerated people by Impact Justice found 62% reported having little to no access to fresh vegetables. The study included 250 former inmates across 41 states. 71% said they had to resort to forbidden activities to get access to more food, like gang activity or sexual relationships.
Destiny says her prison meals were never about providing good nutrition.
Villareal: All they're doing there is making a calorie count. And it's not health-wise. And it's a big difference as far as your health and the calorie count their goal is just to worry about not the…how would I say, not the healthy choice, but the choice is going to just say that they're feeding us, you know? So it's not good at all.
Mathewes: There's little known about the impact of a prison diet on women's bodies five or 10 years post-incarceration, but Diana is already beginning to see what she believes are the latent effects of constant stress and malnutrition.
Diana: Having all that junk that you eat for years, it takes a toll because now I'm getting CT scans and everything for my stomach.
Mathewes: Recently, Diana has developed severe digestive issues which her specialist has not been able to diagnose yet. Gastrointestinal issues can be caused by many factors, but studies suggest that psychological stress may be a particularly important one.
One study in the Journal of Racial Health Disparities suggests a strong relationship between GI symptoms and anxiety and depression. This is just one example of the close ties between physical and mental health and how management of one can have deep impacts on the other.
Here's Destiny.
Villareal: There was times when I felt like I couldn't even breathe, or how can I say it? Because the diet there is repetitive. It's repetitive. They don't change it up, they don't switch it up, and it just affected me, like how my mood was. It affected me what I thought about myself, especially the cholesterol part because they didn't diagnose that till a little bit closer to when I was getting out of the system, and I'm sure that if they wouldn't have found that out, I could have possibly had a heart attack or died of heart disease.
Mathewes: While legally prisons are required to provide basic healthcare to the people in their custody, Dr. Melissa Zelinsky says that looks very different in practice.
Dr Zielinski: First and foremost, I think just that physical healthcare experiences in prison are generally poor for women, and women really describe being treated poorly by prison healthcare providers. In the study that we did, women described lengthy delays, low-quality care, leading to negative health outcomes. We heard things like basically people talking about whatever the bare minimum is that can be given, that's what you're going to get, that if you have a health concern, you better be prepared to wait weeks to get in.
Mathewes: Women needing something as simple as routine dental work, so they couldn't even get basic care.
Dr. Zielinski: If something that is even a pretty undesirable procedure can take care of something, that's what you're going to get. So one woman talked about if you get a cavity, they're not going to bother filling your tooth—they'll just pull it.
Mathewes: According to the Vera Institute of Justice, medical neglect is common in the prison system. In 2022, one lawsuit against the infamous Rikers Island in New York City stated that there were more than 1,000 cases of inmates missing regular medical checkups in one month alone simply because a guard didn't escort them.
On top of that, many states require a copay for medical services often between $2 and $5. It's difficult to find recent data on prison wages, but in 2017, the average prison wage was between 14 and 63 cents per hour.
One stigmatizing misconception that Melissa encounters in her work is this idea that because people are in prison, the healthcare they're receiving comes at no cost to them or is justified in being low quality simply because it is for people who are in prison.
Dr. Zielinski: In our country, poor healthcare is not a punishment for a crime. That's not what comes with a sentence. In fact, the law is the opposite of that, right? That we actually are constitutionally required to provide care that meets community standards.
Mathewes: This is particularly important when thinking about the ways that incarcerated women are truly limited in their access to healthcare.
Dr. Zielinski: People do not have a choice of where to seek their healthcare, so I think that's just another piece that's really important to keep in mind when we run into those sort of ideas coming from a place of stigma about people's worth because they're incarcerated.
Lora: To hear the rest of Destiny and Diana's story as they try to protect their health inside and outside prison, be sure to listen to part two.
100 Latina Birthdays is an original production of LWC Studios. It's made possible by grants from Healthy Communities Foundation, Kellogg Foundation, Woods Fund Chicago, the Field Foundation of Illinois, Pritzker Foundation, and the Chicago Foundation for Women. Mujeres Latinas en Acción is a series fiscal sponsor.
This episode was reported by Francesca Mathewes. Juleyka Lantigua is the show's creator, executive producer, and editor. Virginia Lora is a senior producer. Fact-checking by Jennifer Goren, mixing by Anne Lim. and mixing in sound design by Tren Lightburn. Michelle Baker is our photo editor. Kori Doran is our marketing associate. Cover art by Reyna Noriega.
For more information, resources, photos, annotated transcripts of all episodes and Spanish translations, visit 100LatinaBirthdays.com. That's the number 100 Latina birthdays.com.
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CITATION:
Mathewes, Francesca, reporter. “Caring for Latina Mothers in Prison, Part 1.” 100 Latina Birthdays. LWC Studios, October 21, 2024. 100latinabirthdays.com.